Ethics and Abortion Essay Example for Free

Ethics and Abortion Essay Nicky was 18 when she started dating with James. They had unprotected premarital sex. After a few weeks, she found out that she was pregnant so she asked an advice from her doctor. She wasn’t ready for a baby yet. She still had her ambitions in life and she didn’t want to give up her social life. So she and James decided to abort the baby (Real Life: Abortion (Nickys Story), 2003). Yes, you read it right. In this time of one-night stands, premarital sex and unwanted pregnancies, abortion has become a common resort from responsibility. Abortion is the removal of an embryo or a POC (Product of Conception) from the uterus. Basically, there are two types of abortion: the spontaneous abortion and the induced abortion. Spontaneous abortion is the type that is caused by accident and/or by natural cases. It can also be caused by environmental factors. On the other hand, induced abortion is caused by human action. It is further categorized into therapeutic and elective. Therapeutic abortion is the act of removing the fetus from the uterus for reasons of safety and/or survival in the part of the mother, to preserve the mother’s health, to terminate pregnancy that would result in a child born with congenital disorders, and to selectively reduce the number of fetuses to lessen health risks regarding multiple pregnancies. Meanwhile, elective abortion is the kind of abortion performed for any other reason. There are two different but parallel theories regarding abortion—the consequential theory and the deontology theory. The consequential theory believes that an act is morally right if and only if it contributes to the common good(Williams, 1973. ). It outrightly supports abortion—may it be therapeutic or elective. In therapeutic abortion, if the mother life is at risk in having the pregnancy, then the consequential theory allows for such action. If having a baby destroys a person’s future career, then abortion is okay. Consequential theory denies that moral rightness depends solely on the anything other than the consequences (B. Hooker, 2000). Nonetheless, what makes this morally wrong is not the abortion itself but the consequences it may bring to the mother such as emotional trauma. Consequential theory ignores all morally relevant factors to the consequences as opposed to whatever the circumstances there may be(Mill, 1861). However, deontology theory asserts otherwise. Deontological ethics or duty-based ethics does not consider an act as good or evil per se but classifies the action as it is being performed or on the process of performing devoid of prejudice or pre-established ethical principles. It judges morality by evaluating the nature of the actions and the will of the person involved rather than what is achieved(Kay, 1997). It is also known as nonconsequentialism. Deontological judgment depends on the object or original nature of the act. It typically involves two important elements, prerogatives and constraints. Prerogatives deny that one should always choose the option with optimistic consequences and constraints place limitations on the actions that the person may do in order to bring about his own personal good. Thus, from the deontological parlance, abortion, because it takes away life, upsets nature’s way of creation, and denies the natural capacity of a woman to give birth, is objectively and intentionally malicious, although it could be justified in extreme cases which would merit for an exception. These two theories, in essence are different but somehow, they are compatible with each other. They do not really contradict each other, rather, they are analogous. Analogous theories are truly and essentially different but necessarily contradictory with each other in principle but they could have similar effects or conclusion per application that is why they are analogouspartly the same, partly different. In the present society, most women view abortion consequentially. They justify abortion by consequences it may cause. Let’s take Nicky’s situation as an example. Nicky believes that the abortion of their baby is right mainly because it was not yet the right time for them to have a baby. If she were to continue with her pregnancy, what would have happened? She would have lived a miserable lifenot having a job or a career and tied down with a baby. What if her boyfriend James left her? Could she find another man who would readily accept her despite her past? There were lots of things to be consideredschool, financial stability, and emotional stability. These and a lot more questions ran through Nicky’s mind before she decided to go with the abortion. Obviously, it is not easy to try to confuse one’s conscience. But if we look at it closely, it is a matter of rights. Women’s rights. Everybody makes mistakes. Nicky did a mistake by engaging in unprotected sexual intercourse with her boyfriend. Nevertheless, continuing the pregnancy could also be a mistake. Abortion, when we look at its consequences, is not a mistake. According to the Women’s Rights, â€Å"women have the right to bodily integrity and autonomy†. Whether or not the woman decides to resort to abortion of the fetus inside her body, it is her right to decide on that. Aside from that, women also have the right to parenthood and marriage. Women who have committed abortion should not be discriminated by the society. True, it is not such a nice image but hey, women are humans. Women have rights—equal rights—and dignity(2006, Human Rights Watch).

Causes And Consequences Of Youth Homelessness Social Work Essay

Causes And Consequences Of Youth Homelessness Social Work Essay Homelessness has had a history in the UK far back from the 7th century, when the kings would pass laws to punish vagrants. Ever since then the number of homeless still rises and falls, and has taken a much vast shape, enrolling the youth into it, and not just the adult homeless. Even though, in principle, the UK has adhered to the code of housing legislation ever since the first legislation of 1977, followed by the current legislation of 2002, it is worth noting that housing and homeless legislation does not apply to all parts of UK. The decentralised local governments of the four countries of UK have been vested with the responsibility of providing for the homeless, although Northern Ireland is no longer a decentralised government. This dissertation will set out to examine the causes and consequences of youth homelessness in UK, simultaneously researching into the corresponding government initiatives to house and rehabilitate these young homeless people. The age group covered in this paper is 16-25 years old. Homelessness has been an important issue in the UK, as is evident from the housing of homeless legislations to date. It is an issue which still demands strong consideration and interventions by the government and the voluntary organisations at the macro level, and family and friend at the micro level, to help prevent youth homelessness. The paper will explore the legislative context in the UK vis-Ã  -vis the work of non-profit organisations and government agencies. The paper will also delve into the details of interventions by the civil society organisations/charities in addressing the issue of youth homelessness and examine the role of social workers in the given scenario. The dearth of social housing facilities and lack of support from family and friends has led to youth living in homelessness. There are very many factors causing homelessness, which will be explored in this dissertation as we move to the succeeding sections in detail. To name a few would be those of the collapse of relationships, women fleeing abusive homes, being evicted from homes, alcoholism, and they want of complete autonomy from parents for example. However, it is important to understand that though the causes of homelessness can be categorised into social, economical, political and policy level factors, the reasons for youth homeless could also be viewed and should be viewed as individual factors. Hence, it is important to find out in detail what leads to these situations and makes them robust factors of homelessness. This paper will inspect in detail all such factors causing homelessness and consequences thereupon the youth, referring back and forth to the legislative actions and their effectiveness, and the kind of role social work can play in stabilising their lives and ensuring their welfare. Acknowledgement Dissertation structure Chapter one will be the introduction to the issue of youth homelessness in the UK. The key concepts of this subject will be defined as well as terms relevant and important in providing clarity for better comprehension of the issue. The introductory chapter will also detail the significance of this topic and the legislative context of the issue, along with the kind of work being done by the voluntary organisations and the government in dealing with youth homelessness. Chapter two will review the literature of past ten years, comprising of journals, articles, legislations and books dealing with the issue of youth homelessness, and their contribution to the understanding of causes and consequences of this issue. Reviewing literature would also help us compare and contrast the profile and nature of youth homelessness, whether it has changed over time. This chapter will also discuss the scale of youth homelessness in the past decade, by investigating into the most recent statistics of a unique nationwide study conducted in the UK, in 2008, by Joseph Rowntree Foundation and delve into an in-depth research of the issue through several journals, namely of Joan Smith, Isobel Anderson and Julie Christian (2003), Thomson, (2004), Pleace et al (2008) and Quilgars et al, (2004 2008), Mary Ellen OConnell (2003), Graham Tipple and Suzanne Speak (2003) and Sean A. Kidd (2006). I will also use these journals since the authors have written on the issue of housing the homeless extensively, which helps us in grasping the issue in totally. Moreover, in this section, I will also assess the importance of having a theoretical knowledge base in dealing with such issues as issues of youth/adolescent behaviour. Chapter three will look at the present role and interventions of social workers into this whole issue of youth homelessness and the limitations of social work practice in holistically dealing with the issue. Chapter four will present case studies which will help analyse the problems, causes and consequences for the homelessness of these individuals in relation to the already reviewed literature; vis-Ã  -vis their experiences of the same. Chapter five will be provide a closure to the paper by summarising the overall discussion undertaken in this dissertation and the role social work can play in the context of youth homelessness. However, role of social work will keep featuring throughout the paper, but certain specific discussions will be take place in this chapter to conclude the dissertation. Rationale The aim of this paper is to investigate the subject of youth homelessness; its causes and consequences on the youth aged 16-25 years of age, with a focus on difficulties they face in living their lives without any family support, more so when they are not equipped with life skills and emotional support, along with financial instability. There are multidimensional factors that create such situations where the youth find themselves homeless, marginalised, victimised, exploited and excluded. My interaction with such youth during my twenty five days field work placement at the Framework has motivated me to further explore the subject of youth homelessness, with focus on the causes and consequences that make them vulnerable and hence homeless. This interaction and exposure to the youth problems turning them into homeless youths made me curious to study the issue in detail, investigate and articulate experiences of such youths, who have either undergone or are currently facing social exclusion and being all by themselves at a young age. The unavailability of family support adversely impacts their entire existence, driving them towards precarious forces, such as unemployment, substance abuse, lack of development skills and so on. Strictly sticking to the topic of my research, I will be addressing important subsidiary question, such as the efficacy of the current legislations and government initiatives to curb youth homelessness, and the corresponding social work practices and interventions of the voluntary organisations in this whole issue. This paper will investigate the occurrence of the issue on social, personal, legal and policy levels. Reference shall be made to a range of literature, comprising recent articles, journals, studies, legislations and information gathered from the organisation I did my field work at, to support my own field work experiences with the available evidences in literary form and statistics. One such piece of reference would be the study conducted across the country, Youth Homelessness in the UK, (Quilgars. D et al, 2008), which reveals that despite significant policy developments across the UK to address youth homelessness in recent years, most particularly the extension of priority need groups and a new emphasis on the prevention of homelessness, 75,000 young people experienced homelessness in 2006-07. This scenario and inadequacy of policies and legislation in ending youth homelessness instigated me to choose the subject, to examine the magnitude of the problem and its ramifications. Under the Childrens Act 1989, children of this age group of 16-18 years are children in need of care and protection and are all entitled to welfare and development services from the local authorities in cases where they either dont have parents or have them but there are threats to childs existence in their presence. Yet, many youngsters in the UK are living in threatening circumstances, which certainly has a direct implication on the countrys overall economy and human resource as well. Lastly, I will use and analyse the given problem in the light of some case studies that I documented during my field work, which gave me an opportunity to listen to the real life experiences of a few homeless young people and how they have been assisted, to what extent by social work practices and organisations they came in contact with. This will also help establish a link between theory and practicality when social workers counter people with real issues unfold before them. Chapter 1 Introduction Food, clothing and shelter are the basic needs of any individual born to live. Anything less than these basic pre-requisites can expose human beings to threats to well-being, psycho-social imbalances and economic instability, each have its implications on the individual. While food is required for one to live and adequate and decent clothing to cover oneself, shelter is most important for ones safety and personal space. Absence or insufficient provision of any of these basic needs can result into insecurities and decreased morale. According to Maslows hierarchy of needs, fulfilment of the basic physical requirements including the need for food, water, sleep and warmth is essential for people to move on to the next level of needs, which are for safety and security. All other needs become secondary until these physiological needs are met (Cherry, 2010) Therefore, it is important to acknowledge what impact homelessness can have on young people in fulfilling the other basic needs and developing their potential. Homelessness in the UK has exceeded the mere meaning of being without a roof by several folds. A person could be homeless even if he may possess a family house if that home is not conducive for the stay of the person. Since this paper will focus on youth homelessness, it is important to understand the legal definitions of homelessness in the context of young people and build the ideas around it, which this paper seeks to do. Although it is difficult to estimate the exact number of homeless young people in the UK due to their high mobility, yet the recent estimate as per the 2006-07 study in the UK, (Quilgars, et. al, 2008) tells us that at least 75,000 young people experience homelessness. This is an estimation based on the number of youth connected to organisations providing housing services and hence, many go un-estimated (Robinson and Farrington, 1999). There have been two predominant approaches used to explain youth homelessness. These are called the individually based perspectives and structurally based perspectives (Hutson and Liddiard, 1994). The former viewing youth homelessness as a result of an individuals own mistakes, which render him/her homeless, such as not paying rent or not obeying their parents. This gets them into the situation where they lose their homes and become shelterless. In contrast, the Structural perspective understands youth homelessness as an outcome of social factors and inequalities that impact individuals, such as the effect of poverty (Giddens, 1998). These approaches are important to underpin the contemporary scenario of youth homelessness and will be referred to in the course of the dissertation. Legislations, on the other hand, provide a framework for all social actions to operate in line with the set standards and procedures, defining the problem in a legally accepted way. Prior to the passage of the Homeless Persons Act 1977, the liability of providing for the homeless people was entrusted with the social services department in its entirety. This Act later shifted the responsibility onto the district (local) housing department focusing on the shelter needs and not the families unmet needs that rendered them homeless (Smith, 2003). Definition of Homelessness and some vital statistics Even though in principle the UK adheres to the code of housing legislation ever since the first legislation of 1977, yet it is worth noting that housing and homeless legislation does not apply to all parts of UK. The decentralised local governments of the four countries of UK have been vested with the responsibility of providing for the homeless, although Northern Ireland is no longer a decentralised government. (Quilgars, et al 2008) In the UK, the definition of homelessness is not just that of an individual being without a roof and/or living on streets. It is much broader than this and anyone seeking accommodation in a friends house, staying in a hostel, or living in overcrowded or unsuitable accommodation is classed as homeless. This may be because the person does not have any rights to stay where he/she live or even of his/her own family home is unsuitable for stay. (Need Reference) A person is homeless if he or she has no accommodation which they are entitled to occupy and which it would be reasonable for them to continue to occupy. (Brayne and Carr, 2005, p.700). The Homelessness Act of 1996 laid down parameters for qualifying as being priority needs group for those seeking assistance from local authorities. Under this legislation, the priority needs group did not include the youth aged 16-24 years. There was no provision for this category of young generation that was increasingly being lost to homelessness and problems that emerged from being homeless. A pregnant woman, person residing with dependent children, vulnerability induced by old age, mental illness, physical disability or other special reasons were culminated into the priority group; having priority need for accommodation. By the virtue of this Act, the local authority was duty bound to provide temporary accommodation (usually Bread Breakfast), while they investigated their application. The 1996 homelessness legislation on the whole did not have provisions for the youth homeless, where it could have included under the category of age induced vulnerability. The 16/17 year old homeless were brought under the purview of 2002 applicable in England and Wales, while the Homeless Act 2002 was followed by separate legislation in Scotland in 2003, and in North Ireland (Smith, 2004). The 2002 definition also included those lately released from prisons or youth custody and previous members of armed forces and those with a history of care. UK homelessness education has emphasised on two types of housing situations for defining its homelessness. These are, the occupancy status and security and insecurity of the tenure. The 2002 legislation has included all forms of violence leading to homelessness through loss of the right to a home into the definition, which was earlier limited to only domestic violence in 1996 Act. (Smith, 2003). Homeless legislation right from the first one in 1977 till 2002, have created a national framework for defining homeless over the last 25 years. Homelessness legislations and the government initiative for rough sleepers across the UK have also fundamentally shaped the definition of homelessness. There are three categories for defining homelessness in the UK, which are; Statutory Homeless, Non-statutory homeless and Rough Sleepers (who sleep in the open or uninhabitable places like sheds etc.). Statutory homelessness refers to the applicants to whom the local service authorities owe the duty of housing because they fulfil the criteria of being in need and vulnerable, hence fitting into the priority needs group. The existing data, though inadequate, estimates that at least 75,000 16-24 year olds experienced homelessness in the UK in the year 2006-07 alone. The largest group of statutory homeless were the young people at 43,075 of 75,000. Many young homeless children of this age bracket are found to be with dependent children themselves, particularly those from18-24 years of age. Scotland and many urban areas of the UK tend to report rate of statutorily homeless young people. Young girls qualify to be more in this category of statutorily homeless than young men (Quilgars., et al 2008). Of the 8,300 pregnancies among girls conceiving before the age of 16 in 2008, two-fifths resulted in births and the other three-fifths in abortions. Teenage motherhood is eight times as common amongst those from manual social background as for those from managerial and professional backgrounds (Conception statistics, ONS England and Wales) and ISD Scotland, Great Britain; updated Feb 2010). The non-statutory homeless are those who lose their accommodation due to their own mistakes, such as those who fail to pay their rent and therefore lose their hold over the accommodation. Such category does not fit into the eligibility criteria of seeking housing support from the local authorities. Of the estimated homeless youth in 2006-07, 31,000 were numbered to be non-statutorily homeless young people using Supporting People services during the given year. Qualitative evidence tells us that on a whole considerable number of young people have experienced rough sleeping (sleeping in open spaces) over the course of a year than on any given night in the UK. The combined total of estimates and counts of rough sleepers in England in 2010 was 1,247; this comprised 440 from the 70 authorities that conducted a count and 807 from the 256 authorities that provided estimates (Rough Sleeping England Total Street Count and Estimates 2010, 23 July 2010). Local Authorities were especially challenged by the voluntary organisations and welfare advocates on the issue of young single homeless because such a high proportion of the young single homeless living in hostels, having a history of local authority child care. The voluntary agencies and welfare advocates observed that many young homeless also fell qualified as priority need under the Homeless Persons Legislation because they were vulnerable (Smith, 2003). In 1996, a Youth Homelessness Action Partnership of NGOs came up with their own wider definition of youth homelessness, which was also based on the housing situations of youth. Their definitions included those immediately homeless and/or rough sleeping (on streets, dilapidated buildings, and includes those who spend periods rough sleeping, and other periods on friends floors or hostels); those living short term with friends or in direct access hostels (short-term accommodation); those doubled up living with relatives or friends (hidden homeless); and those who may be asked to leave their accommodation or whose accommodation is temporary including those living under licence agreements (insecure accommodation and lodgings) (Youth Homeless Action Partnership, 1996). Thus, the housing situation has been considered to a great extent to shape up the changing definitions of homelessness and youth homelessness. There have been several studies focusing on different types of homeless situations. The Homelessness Act 2002 is certainly an extensive Act that has taken into account the youth who are so much at risk of losing their family home more so after attaining the age of 16 years and even when the children turn 13 years old. The UK, being a child rights country, has set up structures and systems to assist and support the youth in resuming a steady life. Much stress is thus laid on inter agency and coordinated efforts of the government and NGOs/charities in evolving strategies to combat and tackle the issue. There are many agencies, both voluntary and government that have instituted or funded the institution of hostels for these homeless youth, consequences of which will be dealt with in the coming sections on the causes and consequences of youth home lessness. (Need reference) Significance of the study This dissertation is has its own significance, whereby it will look at the whole issue of youth homelessness at four levels, the social, personal, legal and state policy level. Thereafter, it will discuss the far reaching adverse impacts this has had and continues to have on young people that also bring all the legal actions and their efficacy, role of authorities concerned and family structure in the UK under a scanner. Legislative Context The Childrens Act 1989 made strong recommendations of housing the young people who move out of the local authorities care, This Act gave a new dimension to the social work practice in the context of youth homelessness. Children aged between 16-17 years were designated as children in need. This bound the local authorities to provide accommodation to these homeless irrespective of the fact under whose jurisdiction they fell, or was it the Social Service Departments or district authorities duty to do so. This age group was accepted as the priority need group. The new legislation of 2002 also expanded its circumference accepting this age group as highly vulnerable and hence to be served on priority basis. (www.legislation.gov.uk ). Prior to the 2002 Act, the authority had a duty to house those applicants of which they were convinced were households/individuals in the priority need group, as set out in section 189 of the 1996 Act. However, by section 197 of the 1996 Act, the authority would simply limit its role to that of an advisor by enabling the people in need of accommodation find other alternative suitable accommodation by themselves. The 2002 Act repealed this section and made it obligatory for the authorities under section 193, to secure suitable accommodation for applicants who are eligible, homeless through no fault of their own, and have a priority need. This duty was limited to two years by the 1996 Act; the 2002 Act removed this 2 year limitation. (http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2002/7/notes/division/3 ). The 1996 Act provided that allocations could only be made to those accepted as a qualifying person and placed on the housing register maintained by the housing authority. This requisite was removed by the 2002 Act. The Act requires all applications to be considered by authorities, including applications for a transfer of accommodation from existing tenants. (www.legislation.gov.uk). The 2002 legislation amended the definition of violence by encompassing all kinds of violence that leads to homelessness. It mandated the local authorities to conduct homelessness reviews in their areas and come up with strategies to combat it, and work in collaboration with the voluntary and statutory organisations to deal with this social menace taking toll on youth well-being in the UK. The local housing authorities were permitted to offer accommodation to the non priority need homeless households as well. From the onset, the policies and legislation emphasised on the preventive aspect to curb homelessness, particularly youth homelessness. Pilot preventive schemes have included Safe in the City and Safe Moves (Nistala and Dane, 2000; Safe in the City, 2000; Quilgars et al., 2004). A new National Youth Homeless Scheme (NYHS) was launched in England in 2007, a central scheme to tackle the issue, led by the YMCA and Centrepoint. This comprised innovative prevention strategies to reduce youth homelessness, and work with those who already homeless. Supported Lodging exemplar schemes in 2007/08 for knowledge sharing on experiences gained by working with authorities for developing such schemes where need arises (CLG, 2007a). Joint projects with Department for Children Schools and Families (DCSF) to explore how youth homeless could be reduced were undertaken by the central government. This focused on age wise intervention strategy for children ranging from 16-17 years old homeless youth and those at risk, care leavers (18-21 years old) who are homeless or potentially homeless, children in households living in transient shelters and the children in intentionally homeless households. All these circumstance possessed the power to make these children vulnerable to homelessness. Through Safe Moves, an early intervention model was devised to deal with the problem by using peer monitoring, family mediation and life skill training with young people aged 13-18 years to prevent homelessness. In Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, young people at risk due to financial insecurity and sexual exploitation are also described as priority need group by guidance to legislation. Wales has set the age limit for this group at 18-20, whereas North Ireland and Scotland have not set any specific age limit. Additionally, Scotland also includes this age group youth involved in substance misuse as priority need group. The Housing (Scotland) Act 2001 extended rights of temporary accommodation to all single (non-priority) homeless people for the first time and the 2003 Housing Act enables the Scottish ministers to abolish the priority need test to provide accommodation services to all those assessed homeless. Scotland is also setting out to achieve the target of abolishing priority need by 2012, thereby giving all homeless people including the youth, the right to permanent re-housing (Code of Guidance on Homelessness, Chapter 6, 2005). England also has a target to abolish Bread and Breakfast accommodation use to emergency situations only for 16-17 years old. Support programmes were also introduced across the UK in 2003, to help local authorities and service providers ensure independent living of the homeless and hence socially excluded in general and youth people at risk and vulnerable to other related problems (which will be discussed in the following chapter 2) by imparting life skills training, vocational trades as employment skills, housing support, tenancy etc. Local authorities have enhanced the number of supported housing schemes that provide bed-spaces for those with mental health problems, physical health problems, learning disabilities, alcohol or drug use problems etc. (The Supporting Peoples Programme, available at http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200809/cmselect/cmcomloc/649/649i.pdf ). The Every Child Matters framework and introduction of Child Trusts arrangements have improved the range of indicators across the country. Childrens Commissioners have been established in each country, known as Children and Young People Commissioners in Scotland and North Ireland. Also, lately in England, emphasis has been laid on the role of parenting (Social Exclusion Task Force, 2008). Leaving care acts have also extended the obligation of the social services to provide care leavers with accommodation till the age of 18 years across the UK. However, there are pros and cons of every development that takes place. In fact, it will be most opportune to discuss as I move along in my work whether its the disasters that lead to development or the vice versa. Though youth homelessness is not a disaster, i.e. it would technically not fall under any defined parameter compounding to a disaster, natural calamity or a man-made one. Nonetheless, seeing the level of risk a youth is posed with at a fragile age, where all the other problems follow her or him being without a family home, is not less than a disaster for that young child, perhaps a situational and human made disaster. To a certain extent, these developments and expansion in facilities by the government and voluntary associations to the young homeless children, who actually leave their families to live a precarious independent life has in some way aggravated youth homelessness and the misuse of the term homeless. My 25 days field placement made me learn how the youngsters, particularly the teenage girls under 16, got pregnant to just acquire accommodation, away from home. Hence, it is very important to maintain equilibrium to counter the issue and not aggravate it, by default though. It is here that the role of social work takes precedence in mediating the situation at the very initial stage. The law making bodies of the nation seems to have grasped this urgency to work at the preventive aspects and not just intercede at the curative level, as a result of which preventive measures for Homelessness are being talked of in the legislation of 1996 and 2002. It is extremely important for the authorities to work on the prevention part along with rendering services and relief to the needy. The next chapter shall now focus on reviewing the relevant literature on this topic to give a better understanding of the issues that face young homeless people. Structure of the study-what will be covered in the subsequent chapters Chapter Two: Literature Review Introduction Coverage of the study/ Criteria of literature (like what source I am going to use eg-journal article, books ,research and year) Causes of youth homelessness Consequences of youth homelessness 5-Similarities and Dissimilarities between proposed problem and existing studies Scope of relevance of theoretical knowledge Chapter summary Chapter Three: Social worker vs. homeless youth Organisations working on homeless issues Role of social worker in dealing with homeless youth in UK In the 1980s, the voluntary organisations challenged the legislation for not considering the young single homeless, whose number was increasing rapidly in the hostels. Housing (Homeless Persons) Act 2002 extended its reach by amending the previous 1996 legislation and covering the young single homeless and those aged 16-17 years by designating them as priority need group. Homelessness has always been defined in different ways by the voluntary organisations, which entails different aspects. Voluntary organisations have stressed on including the single homeless people into the category of homeless and many such categories from time to time. Therefore the problem of youth homeless is a manifestation of wider social and economic reasons primarily. There are a range of personal and social circumstances that land youth into such situations (Scottish Executive, 2002; OPDM, 2005; Cabinet Office, 2006; DSD, 2007). Anybody can face homelessness, however, it the socially and economically marginalised and those hailing from poor families are deemed to be much vulnerable in coping with such situations. Such situations for homeless youth have often led to them losing their jobs and education, after moving away from their mooring. However, these progressive changes in the homelessness laws in the country have partly resulted from the NGOs and charity sector lobbying with the government, based on research into the needs of homeless people that has been undertaken in the UK.(need to understand the use of this paragraph in legislative heading) Limitations in social work practice Chapter Four: Analysis of the problem Case studies Analysis of the problem Chapter summary Chapter Five: Discussion Introduction Implication of the social work practice Chapter summary Future research

Criminology Research Methods

Criminology Research Methods Using examples from published research, critically consider that way that choice of study design might influence research findings and conclusions.   A study design is a fundamental component of any piece of research, providing a structure within which to implement a suitable methodology for the collection and analysis of information and data. The choice of study design employed in criminological research will inevitably influence the findings and conclusions drawn, which may subsequently be used to shape the direction of future policies and interventions within the sphere of criminal justice. This is particularly the case in relation to domestic violence, which remains a socially and politically contested area with regards to the extent to which it merits and requires criminalisation. I therefore intend, with reference to published research, to critically examine how choice of study design may yield different findings and contributions to contemporary understandings of domestic violence. Before considering the various types of study design, it is necessary to provide a brief account of the nature and context of domestic violence. Academics highlight that it is a distinct phenomenon from other forms of conventional violence, often characterised by a series of ongoing violent episodes as opposed to one discrete event and a typical reluctance on the part of victims to recognise and voice their victimisation (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). Criminological research in this area has assumed heightened importance in recent years due to shifts in Government policy towards criminalisation  [1]  . It is therefore vital that any research in this area necessitates an appreciation of the contextual circumstances within which perpetrators and victims operate. A number of study designs are available for the purposes of criminological research, the primary distinction existing between experimental and non-experimental designs; which include randomised control trials, quasi-experiments, cross-sectional and longitudinal designs as well as ethnographic studies. The choice of design will affect the strength of both the internal  [2]  and external  [3]  validity of the findings and conclusions. Bryman notes that the study design chosen reflects a decision about the priority being given to an array of dimensions. These include articulating causal connections, generalising the findings, understanding behaviour in a specific context and having a temporal awareness of social phenomena (2008:35). In addition, certain designs may lend themselves more easily to quantitative or qualitative data, which may impact upon a researchers choice of design given the fundamentally diverse characteristics of both.  [4]   The true experimental design is often referred to as the gold standard (Bryman, 2008:38), despite being rarely employed in criminological research (Wesiburd, 2000:181) due to its potential to yield findings with strong internal validity, particularly if randomised control trials are employed. The experimental design involves the manipulation of the independent variable in order to elicit variation in the dependent variable, a classic example being Bushmans (1995) investigation into the impact of violent films on those pre-disposed to aggression. In randomly assigning subjects to control and experimental groups, he was able to control for rival causal factors, resulting in findings with strong internal validity. True experiments may be either laboratory experiments  [5]  or field experiments  [6]  , although it can be argued that conclusions drawn from laboratory experiments may not have the same level of generalisation due to their artificial setting. However, it is argued th at it is the theoretical principles that are being generalised, not the specific characteristics of the sample, setting or measure (Anderson and Bushman, 1997:22). The experimental design was utilised by Sherman (1984) in investigating the specific deterrent effects of arrest on perpetrators of domestic violence, whereby three types of police response (arrest, mediation ad separation) were randomly assigned to legally eligible cases. The dependent variable, in this case recidivism, was measured over the course of 6months following police intervention using both official data and victim reports. The studys conclusion, that swift imposition of a sanction of temporary incarceration may deter male offenders in domestic violence cases (Sherman, 1984:270), is often cited in support of mandatory arrest policies. However, given that experimental designs are notorious for their weaker external validity  [7]  , it is questionable whether Shermans findings lend themselves to such a sweeping generalisation. Indeed, follow up studies in other US cities revealed more mixed results, with some concluding that arrest had negative effects for victims (Garner et al. 1995). The findings and conclusions by Sherman have been attacked on a number of grounds. Dobash contends that the experiments were designed and carried out with little knowledge of existing and theoretical positions regarding violence against women (2000:254). Indeed, it can be argued that the failure to appreciate the possibility that the reason the arrest of perpetrators resulted in lesser recidivism was not due to its deterrent effects but a result of the victim failing to call the police again or to report their victimisation to interviewers due to fear of a repeated retaliation by the perpetrator that might have followed the initial arrest. This is particularly since qualitative studies have revealed the extent to which victims reluctance to involve the police are a direct product of their fear that an arrest will lead to an escalation of the violence (Felson et al.2002). In addition, Fagan highlights that the short follow-up period of 6months failed to take into account the episodic and cyclical patterns of family violence (1989:382). It therefore appears that Shermans pre-occupation with experimental form, in this case a randomised control experiment, precluded a proper consideration of the nature and contextual characteristics of domestic violence. A variation of the true experimental design is the quasi-experiment, commonly employed in the evaluation of criminal justice interventions due to the ethical difficulties associated with random assignment. Such experiments have been used to research the effect of rape law reforms on the number of rapes reported to the police.  [8]  However, due to the absence of random assignment, such a design may not yield findings that are considered as strong in terms of their internal validity due to the lack of control over intervening causal variables. The Violent Men Study (Dobash, 2000) employed a non-equivalent control group design to evaluate the impact of different criminal justice sanctions on domestic violence, involving the matching of subjects within the different groups. The qualitative data revealed much higher rates of re-offending than the quantitative arrest records portrayed, leading the authors to remark that these stark differences cast grave doubt on the veracity of criminal justice statistics as indicators of the levels of violence or of the effectiveness of interventions (Dobash, 2000:267). In addition, in contrast to the experimental study of arrest that merely speculated the reasons for reduced levels of recidivism following arrest (Sherman, 1984), the Violent Men Study was able to contribute to an understanding of both how and why certain interventions could lead to a cessation of violence (Dobash, 2000). Such findings were arguably facilitated by the fact that the study design was more attuned to the context and dynamics of domestic violence, such as the fact that it was longitudinal in nature, tracing victims experiences and perpetrators criminal involvement over a period of 12months at regular intervals and drawing a comparison between the two sets of data  [9]  . The advantages associated with this design have led to a replication of it in subsequent research.  [10]   An example of a non-experimental study design is the cross-sectional, involving the collection of information and data relating to a designated phenomenon at a particular instance in time. A classic example is the investigation of the effects of visible public and social order on evolving crime rates in Chicago (Sampson and Raudenbush, 2001). However, the problems associated with such a design relate to both the internal validity and the ambiguity of the direction of causality, which may therefore significantly influence any conclusions drawn, as was the case in the Chicago study which could not establish whether the high crime rates resulted before or after a variation in social control (Bachman and Schutt, 2007:154). A study by Hoyle and Sanders (2000) of victims within Thames Valley police force areas utilised a cross-sectional non-experimental design to investigate victims perceptions of the value of various criminal justice interventions. The non-experimental dimension facilitated a more in-depth exploration of victims experiences and beliefs and a deeper contextual understanding of the nature and effects of domestic violence, with the authors highlighting that the more powerful the controlling behaviour of their partners, the less likely it is women will seek to involve the criminal justice system (2000:21). However, a significant drawback of the cross-sectional design is that it results in findings that inevitably fail to capture the recurring and ongoing nature of domestic violence. By contrast, a longitudinal design, involves the collection of information and data at several points in time, which can also resolve any ambiguity concerning the direction of causal influence. Thus, academics assert that the value of longitudinal data is so great that every effort should be made to develop longitudinal research designs whenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦appropriate (Bachman and Schutt, 2007:155). A study by Sullivan and Bybee (2004) interviewed 278 women, who has just left a domestic violence shelter, at various intervals for three years. By collecting and analysing data over a substantial period of time, the study was able to provide a greater understanding of the unique trajectory of domestic violence. However, the problem of attrition is particularly salient for longitudinal designs, with Bachman and Schutt highlighting that those in greatest need are often the most likely to drop-out (2007:159). This has obvious implications for the validity of findings, since a drop-out of the most domestically victimised subjects could mask the extent and seriousness of domestic violence. An interesting study design that is rarely employed, but could nevertheless provide a valuable insight into the phenomenon of domestic violence, relates to ethnography. The purpose of which is to look more in-depth at the mechanisms underlying a social process and to gain an insight into the interpretations and perceptions of actors (Crow and Semmens, 2008:37). Such an approach was taken by Websdale, who provided a critical ethnography of how rural patriarchy shapes the perpetration and policing of domestic violence (Adelman, 2004:135). Although such findings and conclusions cannot obviously be generalised, ethnographic designs serve to reveal important details about the experiences of particular sub-groups of the population, which may not be adequately reflected in the findings of more conventional study designs. In conclusion, it is apparent that choice of study design in criminological research can have a marked influence on the findings and conclusions drawn. In relation to domestic violence, whilst it appears that true experiments yield results with the strongest internal validity, they nevertheless fail to account for the dynamic processes operating which trigger the variation in the dependent variable. The context-specific approach taken by other designs may have the potential to fill this gap by affording a greater emphasis on process as opposed to outcome. In addition, longitudinal designs are vital in capturing the intrinsic trajectory nature of domestic violence which is often ignored by cross-sectional designs. However, it is apparent that a deeper and proper understanding of domestic violence, in order to implement effective policies, necessitates the exploitation of the various strengths of both experimental and non-experimental study designs. To conclude otherwise would be to ig nore the inherent nature of domestic violence and to relegate it to the status of any ordinary violent crime, from which it is clearly distinct. Word Count: 1992

Painting and Writing with Magical Realism :: Literature Essays Literary Criticism

Painting and Writing with Magical Realism      Ã‚  Ã‚   The term Magical Realism describes an artistic style of painting and writing. In these paintings and novels the composer "interweaves, in an ever-shifting pattern, a sharply etched Realism in representing ordinary events and descriptive details together with fantastic and dreamlike elements" (Abrams). Some of the Magical Realism writers are said to be Gabriel Garcia Marques in Columbia, Gunter Grass in Germany, and John Fowls in England. Understanding the history and theory of Magical Realism will help clarify the meaning of the term. No one can really say who coined the phrase 'Magical Realism,' but some say that "in 1925 to champion a new direction in painting, Franz Roh originated the term Magical Realism to characterize this painting's return to Realism after Expressionism's more abstract style" (Zamora and Faris 15). This art style was also first used after World War I. Franz Roh at first called this new style of painting Post-Expressionism, but changed it later to Magical Realism because he knew that the work "had to have a name that meant something, and the word 'Post-Expressionism' only indicated ancestry and chronological relationship" (Roh). Roh says that he uses the word 'magic' instead of 'mystic' because "the mystery does not descend to the represented world, but rather hides and palpates behind it." At the same time that Roh came up with the term Magical Realism, a museum director named Gustav Hartlaub called this new art style New Objectivity. The word New Objectivity over took Roh's title for the a rt style until 1960 when it was used to describe the art style of that time in art history. Angel Flores might argue that he coined the term 'Magical Realism' in 1935 after he read Jorge Luis Borges' book A Universal History of Infamy, but he was actually the first one to give the name to books not just paintings. It is hard to decide at times what is Magical Realism and what is not, but there are many characteristics inside Magical Realism that helps us to decide what is. One of the characteristics is that "we recognize this world, although now- not only because we have emerged from a dream- we look on it with new eyes" (Roh). The artist achieves this characteristic by "the amalgamation of reality and fantasy" (Leal). However, in Magical Realism both the reader and characters of the novel must accept the unreal as real.

Gonorrhea Essay -- essays research papers

Gonorrhea   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gonorrhea is a curable, bacterial, sexually transmitted disease caused by a bacterium called Neisseria gonorrhoeae (a member of the family Neisseriaceae). Bacteria are introduced during sexual contact. These bacteria can infect the genital tract, the mouth, and the rectum. It attacks the urethra in males, the cervix in females, and the throat. The majority of the organisms belonging to this family are non-pathogenic or commensals, however, gonorrhea is always pathogenic.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gonorrhea’s mode of transmission is during sexual intercourse – vaginal, oral, and anal. People who practice anal intercourse can get gonorrhea of the rectum. Even women who do not engage in anal intercourse can get gonorrhea of the rectum if the bacteria are spread from the vaginal area.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Because symptoms are not always present, you may be infected with gonorrhea and not know it. If present, symptoms appear within 2 to 14 days. Fifty percent of people with gonorrhea may show no symptoms. Men are more likely than women to show signs of infection. Gonorrhea in Men can cause painful urination, creamy or green pus-like penile discharge, and testicular pain. Gonorrhea in Women can cause vaginal discharge that are bloody or yellow, painful urination, bleeding between periods, excessive bleeding during menstrual period, painful intercourse, and lower abdominal pain. Symptoms of rectal infection include discharge, ...

Nonviolent movement

There is a wide-spread conception in the theory of nation-building that violence is an ultimate way to express disagreement and overcome injustice as well as fight a dictatorship. But the last century has proven the fallaciousness of this conception. Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela and Dalai Lama and many others have shown that nonviolence can be more powerful force in defeating oppressive rulers and laws. Their lives and actions are examples how oppressors or unjust legislation may be defied by the force of word and soul rather than by the force of weapons. Gene Sharp summarizes the effectiveness of nonviolent actions with such words: â€Å"nonviolent action is possible, and is capable of wielding great power even against ruthless rulers and military regimes, because it attacks the most vulnerable characteristic of all hierarchical institutions and governments: dependence on the governed† (p. 18).Nonviolent action is an application of a very simple t ruth: people do not always do what they are told to do, and sometimes they do that which has been forbidden. When people refuse their cooperation, withhold their help, and persist in their disobedience and defiance, they do this to deny their opponents the basic human assistance and cooperation which any government or hierarchical system requires. If they do this collectively through their established independent social institutions or newly improvised groupings for a sufficient period of time, the power of that government will weaken and potentially dissolve.The world history has witnessed the cases when nonviolent means have been chosen over violence for religious or ethical reasons. In some cases, even when pragmatic political considerations were dominant in the choice of nonviolent struggle, the movement has taken on certain religious or ethical overtones. This was the case in the campaigns of the Indian National Congress for independence from Britain in the 1920s, 1930s, and 19 40s. Those struggles, often under Gandhi’s leadership, and also the civil rights campaigns in the 1950s and 1960s in the Deep South of the United States, under the leadership of Martin Luther King, Jr., are very important.Mohandas Karamchand  Gandhi, better known as Mahatma Gandhi, is the first name that comes to mind when one speaks of nonviolence in the 20th century. His charisma and his action not only had a profound effect on India’s modern history, but also provided firm basis for all future nonviolent struggles in the world. Gandhi’s political philosophy revolved around three key concepts: satyagraha (non-violence), sawaraj (home rule), and sarvodaya (welfare of all). Whereas satyagraha was essentially a tactic of achieving political ends by non-violent means, sawaraj and sarvodaya sought to encourage ideas of individual and collective improvement and regeneration. Such regeneration, Gandhi insisted, was necessary if India was to rediscover her enduring historical and religious self and throw off British rule. (Andrews, 1949)Perhaps Gandhi’s best-known act of civil disobedience, known as the second satyagraha (‘hold fast to the truth’) was Salt March that was taking place in 1930 from  12 March to 6 April. It expressed increasing frustration by Congress at its own impotence and, specifically, the British refusal to grant Dominion status to India. Gandhi chose the hated salt tax as the object of his campaign. At the time, the Indian government maintained a monopoly over the manufacture of salt, an essential basic commodity which was thus heavily taxed. Those using their own salt, e.g. if they were living close to the sea, were subject to heavy punishment.The 61-year-old Mahatma started the 240-mile-long march from Sabarmati to the coastal town of Dandi together with seventy-eight of his followers. He was joined by thousands along the way, in a march that received vast international and national attention. When the protesters marched on to a government salt depot, he was arrested, as were between 60,000 and 90,000 other Indians in subsequent months, as well as the entire Congress leadership. Gandhi was released and called off the campaign in March 1931 following the Gandhi–Irwin Pact, which allowed Gandhi to participate in the second Round Table Conference, and symbolically permitted the production of salt for domestic consumption.From the 1920s to early 1940s, he led a series of passive resistance campaigns in pursuit of Swaraj, which redefined the character of Indian nationalism. He sought tolerance between Hindus and Muslims and the eradication of caste untouchability. In January 1948 he was assassinated by a Hindu fanatic for his pro-Muslim sympathies. Gandhi’s insistence that means were more important than the ends distinguished him from other great political leaders of the twentieth century.Since his death Gandhi has become the source of inspiration for non-violent poli tical movements such as the Civil Rights Movement in the USA. Desmond Tutu in the article A Force More Powerful a Century of Nonviolent Conflict rightfully points out: â€Å"The leaders who opted for nonviolent weapons often learned from resistance movements of the past. Indian nationalist leader Mohandas Gandhi was inspired by the Russian Revolution of 1905. The Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. and other African American leaders traveled to India to study Gandhi’s tactics.† (Tutu, 2000) Non-cooperation was a major tactic employed by Gandhi when he felt the state had become immoral or unjust. In the King movement, such action was called boycott, the most effective nonviolent tactic employed in the movement to abolish discrimination in public transportation in Montgomery, Alabama.The justification for such action lies in the fact that rejection is as much of an action as acceptance. Thus, King, like Gandhi, while emphasizing the necessity of courage, utilized the boycott to achieve rejection of unjust laws regulating public transportation and public lunch counters. The net effect of the various expressions of the nonviolent protest, especially the boycott, strike, demonstration and jail, was to draw one’s opponent off balance, hoping thereby to change his mind. (Smith, p.58) Nonviolence, therefore, was not a sign of weakness or of a lack of courage. Quite the contrary, King believed that only the strong and courageous person could be nonviolent. He advised persons not to get involved in the civil rights struggle unless they had the strength and the courage to stand before people full of hate and to break the cycle of violence by refusing to retaliate.King just as Gandhi emphasized the need to prepare for action. The Civil Rights Movement initiated by Martin Luther King, Jr. succeeded in mobilizing massive nonviolent direct action. Innovative tactics included economic boycotts, beginning with the yearlong boycott of a bus company in Montgomery, Alabama, begun in December 1955 and led by Martin Luther King, Jr.; sit-in demonstrations; and mass marches, including a massive mobilization of whites and blacks in the August 1963 March on Washington, which culminated in King’s â€Å"I have a dream† speech, and protest marches led by King that met with police violence in Selma, Alabama, in January 1965.The goal of these protests was to overthrow the entire system of racial segregation and to empower African Americans by seizing the franchise. Participants of the Civil Rights Movement were often beaten and brutalized by southern law enforcement officials, and thousands were arrested and jailed for their protest activities. Some leaders and participants were killed.Nevertheless, an endless stream of highly visible confrontations in the streets, which contrasted the brutality and the inhumanity of the white segregationists with the dignity and resolve of black protesters, made the cause of black civil rights the major i ssue in the United States for over a decade during the 1950s and 1960s. The nation and its leaders were forced to decide publicly whether to grant African Americans their citizenship rights or to side with white segregationists who advocated racial superiority and the undemocratic subjugation of black people.In conclusion it would be relevant to provide a brief revision of the similarity and differences the detection of which was purpose of this analysis. The parallels between Gandhi and Martin Luther King are self-evident. This preliminary look at Gandhi and King’s activity gives us the understanding that nonviolent movement cannot be limited by time frames or specific location. It rather needs a leader with strong character, resilience and ability to persuade people. The two leaders preferred nonviolence at a time when their people were being oppressed. Both struggled against the yoke of white oppression. Like Gandhi, King valued the power of nonviolent political action in keeping with the spirit of Gandhi’s satyagraha. King’s role in organizing the Montgomery bus boycott enabled him to emerge as the creator of a strategy of civil disobedience that earned for the civil-rights movement in the United States unprecedented media coverage, new forms of public recognition, and greater access to political power.Though both agreed that nonviolence is successful tactics on condition that every individual is committed to truth and justice, Gandhi tended to lay stress upon the necessity of personal suffering when participating in nonviolent movement, an attitude that to some extent was less aggressive than King’s emphasis on self-sacrifice. Moreover, Gandhi claimed that to achieve the goals through nonviolence one needs patience and non-cooperation and King believed that it is a certain degree of confrontation that is necessary to accomplish change. One more difference between Gandhi and King lies in the paradigm of their activity.While Gand hi was concerned about social injustice suffered by Indian people, King’s concerns bore upon racial discrimination of African Americans in the USA. And probably the most striking difference is the result of their struggle. While Martin Luther King’s ideas after his death were followed through by his followers and found an echo in common American’s heart, Gandhi was criticized that his tactics unnecessarily delayed the departure of the British, precipitated the partition of India, and led to the Hinduization of Congress because of his over-emphasis on religion. Few of Gandhi’s ideas were put into practice by independent India.While both of them deserve respect and admiration, it is possible to recognize that their approaches to the practice of nonviolence later grew strong one as opposition, the other as protest. Gandhi and King help us to believe that peaceful resolution of a conflict will live up to its promise.References:Andrews, C. F. Mahatma Gandhiâ⠂¬â„¢s Ideas.   London: Allen & Unwin, 1949McCarthy, R. and Sharp, G., eds., Nonviolent Action: A Research Guide. New York, 1997Sharp, G. The Role of Power in Nonviolent Struggle. Monograph Series, No. 3. The Albert Einstein Institution, 1990Smith, Kenneth and Zepp, Ira. Search for the Beloved Community: The Thinking of Martin Luther King. Valley Forge: Judson Press, 1974.Tutu, Desmond. â€Å"A Force More Powerful a Century of Nonviolent Conflict†. Social Education. (64):5, 2000

Examining The Concept of Politically Correct Speech Essay

â€Å"Let’s be politically correct about this.† This is a common statement people make when they want to avoid offending people. This is the goal of the concept of being politically correct: avoid offending people’s sensibilities. Case in point, it is not uncommon to call blind people â€Å"visually impaired.† The reason for this is that somehow the word â€Å"blind† became derogatory. Well, actually it didn’t and neither did a number of benign words but in the 1990’s there was a movement that started with the clear intention of making words as antiseptic as possible. The movement was somewhat mocked at first and pop culture comedian George Carlin quipped â€Å"It is just a means of people hiding their guilt without really atoning for their sins.† But, the politically movement has far from gone away. In fact, it has gained significant momentum in certain quarters. This is good in some ways and negative in others. One of the most negative aspects of the political correctness movement is that perpetually trying to be politically correct has a tendency to hinder communications. That is, when people are always trying to choose their words or phrases carefully they may find the end result to be stilted. That is to say, the words they select in their writing or oral presentations may end up being silly. Again, most people assume a blind person is blind. If one refers to a blind person as â€Å"optically challenged† then one may discover the audience laughing at the choice of words. This is because it is obvious the individual is going really out of the way to avoid hurting anyone’s feelings. Granted, this end result may avoid offense but it could also yield laughter. If that was not the intended result of your actions then the actions would be deemed a flop. Sorry to be so blunt but this is the common end result of going to ridiculous extremes in order be politically correct at the expense of using â€Å"good† language. There are, however, some benefits to politically correct speech. This is most evident in the workplace. Remember when it comes to success in the workplace success will often be based around relationships with people. If your relationships with others are not as best as they can be then you may discover your career suffering. This would obviously be a bad situation and best avoided. Since one of the most common ways of developing bad relationships is through offending people seeking to be more politically correct in your dialogue would not be a bad idea. If you are involved in the insurance sales business there will be a multitude of people whom you will come in contact. As such, you would want these people to feel as comfortable as possible and opt to avoid using words that may prove offensive. For example, you would want to avoid calling the elderly â€Å"old† if you come in contact with such individuals. Sticking with the term â€Å"senior citizen† would be a much wiser option. Of course, you will want to select words that are sensible and not silly. There is a fine line between politeness and parody when it comes to speaking in a politically correct manner. However, if you use simple logic and common sense in your approach to selecting politically correct terms you will avoid many of the common â€Å"political correctness† pitfalls associated with the movement.